Academic Skills Plus Essay

Atwood writes: â€Å"What I mean by ‘science fiction’ is those books that descend from H. G. Wells’s The War of the Worlds, which treats of an invasion by tentacled, blood-sucking Martians shot to Earth in metal canisters – things that could not possibly happen – whereas, for me, â€Å"speculative fiction† means plots that descend from Jules Verne’s books about submarines and balloon travel and such – things that really could happen but just hadn’t completely happened when the authors wrote the books. I would place my own books in this second category: no Martians.† (From In other worlds, p.6) With these remarks in mind, is it useful to distinguish between science fiction and speculative fiction? In answering this question you might consider Le Guin’s suggestion that people who refer to their works as ‘speculative fiction’ rather than ‘science fiction’ are simply trying to protect themselves from some of the negative connotations associated with science fiction (see In other worlds)? Discuss in relation to at least two works. ‘Science fiction’ is often defined as a wide literary genre related to fictional stories. It contains many subgenres, such as space opera, cyberpunk, utopia, dystopia, alternative histories and speculative fiction. Although there are an extensive number of subgenres, some writers, as Margaret Atwood, have been trying to differentiate ‘speculative fiction’ from ‘science fiction’. Maybe this wideness of subgenres existing under the genre ‘science fiction’ is exactly the reason why Atwood found interesting to present this differentiation. When we consider science fiction stories, many different things can came up to our mind, such as aliens, intergalactic travel, artificial intelligence and utopian (or dystopian) societies. Considering that, as we can notice in these examples, these topics can differ a lot from each other and it might be understandable that Atwood  wanted to differentiate (more than just defining different subgenres) the kind of fiction related to more ‘plausible’ things (things that could really happen, as she says). Definitely, ‘speculative fiction’ books have a completely different scenario from cyberpunk, aliens or space opera works and this could awake a desire to disconnect them in a more significantly manner. However, it is possible to affirm that this distinction between ‘science’ and ‘speculative fiction’ is not useful and that there is no reason for making it, especially considering that speculative fiction is just one more subgenre of science fiction. This thesis will be supported by a number of points presented throughout this essay. Firstly, it will be argued that the subgenre ‘speculative fiction’ fits perfectly into the definitions and requisites related to ‘science fiction’. Secondly, it will be discussed that Atwood’s definition of ‘speculative fiction’ is vague and can change according to interpretation, and also that it can be used to define as speculative fiction other books that she clearly had classified as belonging to ‘science fiction’. Thereby, her definition can be seen as not clear, which makes it not useful at all. Finally, it will be presented that Atwood seems to reinforce this division specially because distinguishing ‘speculative fiction’ from ‘science fiction’ is convenient for her. There are some evidences for that, for example, Le Guin once said Atwood was trying to protect herself from negative connotations associated with ‘science fiction’. This is even noticeable considering that many of her attempts to define the genre contained irony and clichà ©s. Firstly, it will be discussed that ‘speculative fiction’ fits perfectly into the definitions and requisites related to the ‘science fiction’ subgenres, which makes unnecessary and not useful the distinction between them. It was stated before that ‘science fiction’ has a big number of subgenres and it is clear that they differ considerably from each other. However, despite their singularities, all of them have one kind of cohesive element in common, which brings each subgenre to be defined as part of the genre ‘science fiction’. To define this common element noticed in all the science fiction subgenres, it is useful to consider two Suvin’s definitions about science fiction: â€Å"SF is, then, a literary genre whose necessary and sufficient conditions are the presence and interaction of estrangement and cognition,  and whose main formal device is an imaginative framework alternative to the author’s empirical environme nt† (Suvin 1979, p. 7) and â€Å"Science Fiction is distinguished by the narrative dominance or hegemony of a fictional ‘novum’ (novelty, innovation) validated by cognitive logic† (Suvin 1979, p. 63). Considering these two definitions, it is possible to affirm then that the necessary and sufficient conditions to identify one science fiction work are: the presence of a ‘novum’ and the presence of a ‘cognitive logic’, the logical consistency which makes the ‘novum’ become part of our knowledge about real things. With this in mind, we can analyse the book The Handmaid’s Tale from Atwood. She clearly have classified this book as not being ‘science fiction’, however, it is easy to identify the ‘novum’ and also the ‘cognitive logic’ in her book. The ‘novum’ is represented by the whole system of political organization in the Republic of Gilead described on the book and the ‘cognitive logic’ is given by some similarities that can be noticed between our society and the society described on the book. In the same way, for the book of H. G. Wells, The War of the Worlds, we can also identify the ‘novum’, which is given by the Martians and their technology; and the ‘cognitive logic’, given by the similarities existing between both societies. Thus, it can be affirmed that both books The Handmaid’s Tale and The War of the World belongs to the genre ‘science fiction’, contradicting Atwood’s previous proposition. This proves that although Atwood’s book can be classified as ‘speculative fiction’, it truly belongs to ‘science fiction’, leading us to verify again that ‘speculative fiction’ is just one more subgenre of ‘science fiction’. It makes clear then that the division between ‘science’ and ‘speculative’ fiction is not useful and not justifiable. Secondly, it will be presented that Atwood’s definition of ‘speculative fiction’ is imprecise and also can be used to define as speculative fiction other books that were categorized as ‘science fiction’ by her. In order to illustrate these points, we will analyse Atwood (2011) definition about ‘speculative fiction’ as â€Å"things that really could happen but just hadn’t completely happened when the authors wrote the books.† This is a vague and inaccurate idea. It could encompass different definitions because the range of things that could really happen is highly dependent of each person’s  beliefs and ideas, what makes this definition extremely subjective. Also, with just a few exceptions, it is not possible to say for sure what is and what is not going to happen. Besides, Atwood even gives us another definition: â€Å"Oryx and Crake is not science fiction. Science fiction is when you have chemicals and rockets.† (Watts 2003, p. 3). Considering both definitions given by her, it could be understood that she considers rockets and chemicals as things that really could not happen, as they belong to science fiction. However, it is known that rockets and chemicals are not things impossible to happen, especially because nowadays we can see some examples of them. Both definitions become contradictory then. Considering her first definition, books about this theme would be classified as speculative fiction; however, she decided to use these two themes to exemplify ‘science fiction’. Atwood’s definitions about ‘speculative fiction’ are imprecise, therefore, what is the purpose in using an imprecise and cloudy definition? It is simply not useful to distinguish ‘science’ from ‘speculative fictionâ €™ then. Thirdly, it will be presented that Atwood seems to reinforce this division specially because distinguishing ‘speculative fiction’ from ‘science fiction’ is convenient for her. Le Guin (2009) states that Atwood was trying to protect herself from negative connotations associated with science fiction and also â€Å"from being relegated to a genre still shunned by hidebound readers, reviewers and prize-awarders†. Considering Le Guin’s remarks, it is possible to observe that ‘science fiction’ was not a literary genre with considerable prestige in the intellectual audience. This could reduce her reputation on the high literary society. One possible reason for ‘science fiction’ being underestimated is that science fiction could be related to some works produced for mass audience like Star Trek and Dr Who and intellectuals would associate her books to these works. Then it would be interesting for her to dissociate the connecti on between her books and the genre ‘science fiction’ once it was not so appreciated by the intellectual audience. And this is also noticed by considering that some of her remarks about ‘science fiction’ contains irony, as she frequently uses clichà ©s to refer about it, such as ‘rockets’, ‘chemicals’, ‘blood-sucking Martians’, ‘talking squids in outer space’, and ‘skin-tight clothing’. Thus, it is possible to verify why Atwood reinforces the division between ‘speculative’ and ‘science’ fiction. And  considering her reasons we can see that they are not justifiable and strong enough to make the distinction between ‘speculative’ and ‘science fiction’ useful. Finally, this essay discussed a number of points in order to support the thesis that the distinction between ‘speculative’ and ‘science’ fiction is not useful. Firstly, it was stated that although it may be hard to define some literary genres it is noticeable that ‘speculative ficti on’ fits perfectly in most of definitions of science fiction, making it a subgenre only. Secondly, it was presented that Atwood’s definition about ‘speculative fiction’ is vague and could classify as ‘speculative fiction’ some books that she clearly classified as ‘science fiction’. Thirdly, it was discussed that is convenient for her to separate ‘speculative fiction’ from ‘science fiction’ since the genre of ‘science fiction’ was not so appreciated by reviewers and prize awarders and was associated to some mass audience works. She does not want to be linked to this image so she tries to put her works under a different literary classification. This point shows us clearly that there is no consistent and general reason for her to do the distinction. In conclusion, this essay illustrated that is not useful to distinguish between ‘science fiction’ and ‘speculative fiction’ and the reason for this was explained by all of the arguments stated previously. References Atwood, M 1985, The Handmaid’s Tale, Anchor Books, New York. Atwood, M 2011, In Other Worlds – SF and the Human Imagination, Doubleday. Le Guin, U 2009, ‘The Year of the Flood by Margaret Atwood’, The Guardian, 29 August. Available at http://www.theguardian.com/books/2009/aug/29/margaret-atwood-year-of-flood Suvin, D 1979, Metamorphoses Of Science Fiction, Yale University Press, New Haven Watts, P 2003, ‘Margaret Atwood and the Hierarchy of Contempt’, On Spec, vol. 15, no. 2, summer, pp. 3-5. Wells, H 1898, The War of the World, New York Review Books, New York.

Succubus Heat CHAPTER 9

I was starting to envy the teleportation that higher immortals used. I'd always complained about it in the past (it tended to be a bit disorienting), but suddenly, a spot of dizziness seemed trivial compared to doing the Vancouver-Seattle drive yet again. Annoying or not, I was anxious to talk to Jerome, so as soon as Cedric gave me leave to go home the next day, I hit the road back to the States. Isabelle had seemed convincing enough in denying her role in the Army's shenanigans, and both Carter and Cedric seemed certain she wasn't involved either. I couldn't dismiss any leads here, however, not when my permanent return to Seattle was on the line and certainly not when someone was actually messing with Seattle itself. Isabelle might truly be innocent, but I wasn't going to shut the door on this until I'd run it by Jerome. â€Å"It seems like you're here more than you are there,† noted Hugh when I called to tell him I was back in town. â€Å"Doesn't really seem like you're being punished all that much.† â€Å"Punishment's subjective. Do you know where Jerome's at?† â€Å"Last I knew, he was meeting someone.† â€Å"The Cellar?† â€Å"Mmm, no†¦that new bar in Capitol Hill. Clement's.† â€Å"Is he going to be mad if I show up while he's at a lunch meeting?† â€Å"If he doesn't want to be interrupted, you won't be able to find him.† Fair point. Without going home, I drove straight to Capitol Hill, finding street parking that wasn't actually too far from Cody and Peter's apartment. Clement's was a new place that had gone in recently, a bit sleeker and trendier than the Cellar, which was a divey haunt in Pioneer Square we immortals often frequented. Clement's had the same upscale feel and designer drink menu that Mark's had had, and I had a hard time convincing myself that a drink probably wasn't the best idea while I was here in the midst of demonic business. I spotted Jerome right away. He was at a back table, facing the doorway. His eyes met mine as I approached, my signature declaring my presence, just as his came through to me. Only, his wasn't the only immortal aura there. I recognized the bearer's identity before the woman seated across from him even turned around. Nanette. I came to a stop by their table, speechless more from surprise than fear. Jerome and Nanette together? When had this come about? There was a sly smile on her face, like she was in on some joke the rest of us weren't. She had on another cute sundress, lavender silk that looked great with her blond hair, though the spring weather didn't quite seem warm enough for it yet. Of course, when you were a demon, I supposed the fires of Hell kept you warm. â€Å"Georgie,† said Jerome, not unpleasantly, â€Å"it seems like you're here more than you are in Vancouver.† â€Å"Cedric sent me home. He doesn't seem to want me around if I'm not doing something specific.† Nanette chuckled and paused to take a drink of what looked like a Lemon Drop martini. â€Å"I imagine so, after that spectacle yesterday. Brilliant work, I might add.† I grimaced, deciding to out myself and risk losing Jerome's regard. â€Å"I actually didn't have anything to do with that. They did it without telling me.† Jerome didn't seem to mind. â€Å"That footage is all over YouTube. I've watched it a hundred times.† This whole thing was so confusing. Jerome ostensibly wanted me to help Cedric unravel the cult, yet my boss clearly took great pleasure in seeing the progress stall out. Again I felt like I was missing a piece of the picture here, making me even less secure about my position. â€Å"Look,† I said. â€Å"I don't want to interrupt your drinks. I'd just been hoping to chat with Jerome, but I can find you later.† Nanette downed her martini and stood up. â€Å"No, no. We're finished here. Have my seat.† I was hesitant, but she was insistent, and Jerome didn't appear to be too put out at her departure. She walked out of the bar like a normal human, not bothering with any elaborate teleportation-at least not while others could see her. He gestured toward her chair, and I sat down. â€Å"So, what can I do for you, Georgie?† Jerome was drinking brandy, something more suited to a night by the fire than a Sunday afternoon. â€Å"You were hanging out with Nanette?† I asked, momentarily putting Isabelle on hold. â€Å"As you saw.† â€Å"I told you about her meeting with Cedric.† â€Å"And?† â€Å"And, doesn't it seem weird that she's meeting with each of you behind the other's back?† â€Å"It's not behind anyone's back,† he countered. â€Å"I know she met with Cedric, and she knows I know.† Isabelle was moving farther and farther to the back burner of my mind. Suddenly, it all seemed perfectly obvious. Isabelle had denied being the angel because she didn't want her situation to change. Nanette, however, did want change. She wanted to stop feeling like Cedric and Jerome were eyeing her territory and squeezing her between them. She'd claimed her meeting with Cedric was defensive on her part, yet I couldn't help but wonder if she might be more on the offensive than any of us realized. â€Å"Georgie,† said Jerome dryly. â€Å"I can see those wheels in your head spinning. What are you thinking?† Starting with the meeting at Tim Hortons, I gave Jerome a full report of my experiences with the Army and the theories I'd put together about the Angel of Darkness being a literal angel-Isabelle. â€Å"Ridiculous,† said Jerome. â€Å"It's not her.† â€Å"You sound just as certain as Cedric did.† He shrugged, almost looking embarrassed to have agreed with his rival. â€Å"Because she's not running any cult. I've met her. She's not the type.† â€Å"Well, I'm actually starting to agree.† I took a deep breath and pushed forward. â€Å"I don't suppose it's occurred to either of you that Nanette could be the one behind this?† Jerome's face grew even more incredulous. â€Å"Nanette? Georgie, this is out there, even for you.† â€Å"What, demons eyeing each other's territories? Come on, Jerome. That's not out there at all! It's what you and Cedric were-maybe still are-doing for each other. If something blows up, Nanette's in a far better position to benefit from it than Isabelle would. Nanette's running to both of you, claiming she's worried about the other when really, she's playing you both off each other.† Jerome rolled the brandy in his glass. â€Å"And let me guess: she's blond too, like this alleged golden-haired angel.† â€Å"Well†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He sighed, took a last swig of the brandy, and set the glass down hard. â€Å"Not that I have any reason to explain our goings-on to you, but here it is. Nanette doesn't have the balls to try something like that. Oh, sure, some of your points are correct. This wouldn't be unreasonable demon behavior, particularly one feeling threatened. But not her. She might want to do something like this, but she won't. She's a lot of talk but not much on action.† I didn't usually get answers that detailed from Jerome and was a bit taken aback. â€Å"You're certain?† â€Å"I am,† he said firmly. A waiter delivered a new glass of brandy. â€Å"Leave her and Isabelle behind. Find some other reason for what this absurd group's doing. Barring that, disband them like you're supposed to. And barring that , do give me some credit that I can take care of my affairs without a succubus' help.† I left not long after that, leaving Jerome to drink alone. As I pushed the door open, I glanced back and studied him. His face was momentarily unguarded, troubled as he stared into the depths of his glass. He seemed very alone, literally and figuratively, despite his bold words. I felt a strange pang in my chest, a bit of sorrow over what was undoubtedly an eternity of torment made worse when complications like our current ones ensued. But then, maybe these bursts of demonic drama helped break up the monotony. I considered errands after that but decided heading straight home sounded best. My phone rang just I stepped into my apartment. I kicked the door closed with my foot while my free hand dug through the depths of my purse. Doug's number showed on the caller ID. â€Å"Is everything okay?† I asked as soon as I answered. â€Å"You know what's sad here, Kincaid? You aren't asking if I'm okay. You saw my number, assumed there was some crisis at work, and want to know if the store's okay.† â€Å"Your point?† â€Å"The store's fine. I wanted to know if you're in town. Maddie made it sound like you can cross time and space now and be everywhere all the time.† â€Å"I wish I could, but yeah, I'm at home. What's up?† â€Å"You going to Casey's party?† â€Å"Casey's what?† Even as I spoke the words, I remembered Casey pulling me aside in the store and asking if I'd attend her graduation party. â€Å"Ugh. That's today, isn't it?† â€Å"Yup. You want me to pick you up?† â€Å"Doug, I don't think I can go. In fact, I even told her I couldn't.† â€Å"Right. Tell me right now, immediately, what you have to do instead.† â€Å"Well, I, uh-â€Å" â€Å"Too slow. You have nothing going on.† â€Å"I'm just not in a party mood.† â€Å"The beauty of that is that when people aren't in party moods, that's actually when they need a party the most.† â€Å"Doug-â€Å" â€Å"Come on! How can you not acknowledge the achievements of some brainiac math major who's graduating early, for fuck's sake?† â€Å"Latvian.† â€Å"What?† â€Å"Math and Latvian. Dual majors.† â€Å"You're making my point for me. It would be sad and wrong if we didn't help her celebrate. She overcame a life of adversity, coming to this country in the hopes of making a better life for herself and her family.† â€Å"Doug, she's, like, fourth generation. Her dad's a neurosurgeon.† â€Å"Come on! Maddie's gotta stay and close, so I have no one to go with. That, and it's kind of creepy how I've been going to social events with my sister lately. I need you to make me look like a man again.† â€Å"Doug-â€Å" â€Å"See you in five minutes, Kincaid.† I knew how Doug could be in these moods. He wasn't kidding about showing up in five minutes, and he was also right that I had nothing else to do. With so little time, I simply shape-shifted into a plain gray skirt and black blouse that seemed appropriate for a graduation party. While rustling around for a blank card that I could stick a check into, I dialed Dante to let him know I was in town and to see if he wanted to come with us. Like usual lately, I went to his voice mail. What was it with me and unreliable men? I'd had trouble getting a hold of Seth when we dated because he was always caught up writing. Now I had trouble getting a hold of Dante because†¦well, because he was unreliable. I left Casey's address with the message and hurried to get ready. I'd wanted to wear Dante's watch but couldn't find it before Doug showed up-honestly, it had been more like four minutes-so I ended up just running out the door without accessories. Casey's family lived over in Clyde Hill, a beautiful lakeside suburb befitting a neurosurgeon's family. The party had been going on for about an hour when we arrived, and we found their expansive backyard filled with music, food, and people. Dusk was falling, and the soft glow of lanterns strung along trees and the fence line gave everything a sort of elfin mystique. We paused at the yard's entry, assessing our surroundings and looking for others we knew. â€Å"This is kind of wholesome for me,† Doug noted. â€Å"There are kids here.† â€Å"Of course there are. This is a graduation party, not one of your after-show keggers.† â€Å"Oh, hey,† he said brightly. â€Å"There's a bartender. Looks like this'll be tolerably wholesome.† Casey found us getting drinks and threw her arms around both of us in a massive double hug. â€Å"Oh! You guys came! Thanks so much.† She was aglow with excitement and energy and could barely stay still. She accepted my card with another hug, told us to let her know if we needed anything, and then dashed off when she saw her great aunt from Idaho arrive. â€Å"Wow. All this kind of makes me wish I'd stayed in college,† Doug mused. A few of our coworkers waved at us from the far side of the yard, and we began winding our way toward them. â€Å"Yup. You could have had all this fun waiting for you after school.† He grimaced. â€Å"The problem is, I was having all this fun during school.† The other bookstore staff were happy to see us, and we all fell into comfortable conversation that varied from the party itself to shop talk from work. Casey's family had spared no expense, and waiters came around with various types of finger food. None of us had eaten dinner, so we practically devoured the trays and probably looked like savages in our corner. I was contemplating a second drink when Beth suddenly said, â€Å"Oh, hey. Seth and Maddie are here.† I stiffened. One of the reasons I'd answered the door when Doug came to pick me up was that he'd said Maddie was closing. Knowing I'd get a reprieve from her and Seth had made this prospect bearable, but apparently, there'd been some sort of incorrect intel afoot. I did an immediate 180, hoping I had misheard Beth. Nope. There they were: Seth and Maddie. Worse, Seth's little niece Kayla was with them. She was the youngest of his brother's girls, four years old with blue eyes and a mop of blond curls. I'd recently discovered that Kayla had the makings of a psychic and was able to sense the unseen world, much as Dante or my friend Erik could. She was a long way from having their skills or having any idea what they meant yet. For now, she was just a happy little girl-albeit a very quiet one-and seeing her with Seth and Maddie jerked painfully at my heartstrings. â€Å"I thought you said she was closing,† I hissed to Doug. He didn't notice the upset tone in my voice and read it as surprise. â€Å"I thought so. Maybe she got Janice to do it. I know she's been giving her more and more responsibility. Makes me wonder about my own job security.† The bookstore gang greeted the newcomers with cheering. Kayla broke from her guides and, to my astonishment, ran over to me. â€Å"Georgina!† I scooped her up, and that dark, angry serpent within me settled down a little. Not only had Kayla sought me out, she'd also spoken-a rarity. I hugged her to me, and with her in my arms, it suddenly seemed as though all had to be right in the world. â€Å"You've got a fan, Kincaid,† laughed Doug. He winked at her. She gave him a shy smile in return and then turned back to me and rested her head on my shoulder. â€Å"She spoke,† said Maddie in wonder. Maddie knew I'd been friends with the Mortensens and thought nothing of me knowing the girls. â€Å"An entire soliloquy,† I laughed. â€Å"We're watching her while the others are at a school play,† explained Seth. â€Å"This party's unreal,† said Maddie, gazing around at all the fanfare. â€Å"Does anyone know why she dual-majored in Latvian?† â€Å"Blow-off major?† suggested Beth. â€Å"Anthropology and Women's Studies are blow-off majors,† said Doug. â€Å"Not Latvian.† â€Å"Hey!† said Maddie, elbowing her brother. She often wrote freelance articles for feminist magazines. â€Å"Hey, don't take it out on me. I'll never forget you taking that class called Evolution of the Dress.† â€Å"It was harder than you think!† The rest of us watched the Sato siblings with amusement, and to my dismay, so did Seth. I guess I'd kind of hoped he'd be shooting furtive, longing glances at me. Instead, he watched Maddie almost†¦fondly. Like he found her smart and funny-which she was, of course. He was watching her the way any guy would watch his girlfriend. â€Å"Hey,† I said to Doug. â€Å"Why don't you stop annoying your sister and go get us a refill?† â€Å"You're a bad role model for the kid,† he warned. But he took my cup anyway and headed for the bar. If anything, it seemed me holding Kayla gave Seth and Maddie a chance to be more affectionate. They held hands. So, I paid more attention to Kayla, snagging novel appetizers as they went by and explaining to her what quiche and brie were. Once Doug returned with my drink, I took it down pretty rapidly, still conscious of the fact that I held a child. When I'd finished my third, I knew enough to hand her off. Maddie took her by the hand and led her to look at a koi pond on the far side of the yard. This left me alone with the others, and whether it was alcohol or succubus charisma or just a desire to show up Maddie, I found myself coming to life. I joked and talked to everyone, making sure each person was included in the conversation. I saw them all light up, caught up in the aura of comfort and good cheer I created. Maybe I had ulterior motives, but despite that, I actually enjoyed myself. It had been awhile since I'd been able to just have a fun, effortless social encounter. When Maddie returned, however, I decided it was time for my fourth drink. I headed across the yard, graceful in spite of the alcohol. While waiting in line, the guy behind me struck up conversation. â€Å"I've seen you somewhere.† I glanced up at him. He was tall, late thirties, and had bronzed hair. I gave him a winning smile. â€Å"That's a very bad pick-up line.† â€Å"No, I'm serious.† He frowned. â€Å"In the paper†¦were you in some sort of date auction?† â€Å"Oh my God. You do recognize me.† Through Hugh's machinations, I'd participated in a charity date auction last December. I'd ended up going for an obscene amount of money and had made the paper. â€Å"If I remember, you did a lot for that charity.† â€Å"What can I say? I love kids.† Our turns came, and we each got new drinks. Stepping off to the side, we continued our conversation. â€Å"I don't suppose,† he said, â€Å"that I'd have to pay that much for a date?† â€Å"You're asking me out?† â€Å"Seeing you in person? Yeah. I kind of understand the price now.† â€Å"Wow, you don't waste time on formalities.† He shrugged. â€Å"I don't have time to. Too busy with work.† Ah. One of those guys. I didn't have Hugh's ability to see souls, but something told me I wouldn't get an enormous energy fix from this guy. Of course, just then, it didn't matter. I was drunk and distressed and a sleazy guy seemed just like what I needed right then, no matter how inappropriate the setting. In fact, the inappropriateness kind of added to it. â€Å"No, not that much. Though to tell you the truth, I'm kind of busy myself. I don't like to waste time on something that's going to fizzle out. I'm sort of a try-before-you-buy girl.† He studied me very carefully, face serious. â€Å"What exactly do you have in mind?† I inclined my head toward the house. â€Å"They must have a bathroom in there.† As expected, he didn't take much coaxing. The house was wide open to anyone who needed to get in there, and we passed wait staff moving in and out as we sought one of the house's many bathrooms. We finally ended up at a small one on the second floor that was adjacent to a guest room. It didn't look like it saw much use, and as soon as we shut the door, we were all over each other. He'd told me along the way that his name was Wes and that he had some sort of corporate position in a bank downtown. I'm not sure why he was trying to impress me, seeing as I'd made this painfully easy for him, but I appreciated the weak effort anyway. My biggest concern was his relationship to the family, but it turned out he was a friend of a friend of a business associate, so I had little worry about this getting back to Casey. My skirt came off almost immediately, followed by a rapid unbuttoning of my blouse that pulled off a button. It skittered across the floor, lost forever. He left the blouse itself on, simply hanging open, and ran his hands over my body, taking in the black lace bra and matching panties. â€Å"Good God,† he breathed. â€Å"You might be worth more than that auction price.† â€Å"I'm not a call girl,† I snapped, irritated for some reason I couldn't entirely understand. â€Å"And make this fast. My friends are going to be waiting for me.† Wes seemed a little surprised that I wasn't fawning all over him, but he didn't argue. His pants and briefs came off next, and he grabbed a hold of my hips, tilting me so that I sat on the edge of the counter, with my body at an angle and my head and shoulders against the mirror. The counter and his height lined up perfectly, and a moment later, he was in me, neither rough nor gentle, just somewhere in the middle. It was a little boring, actually, like he couldn't quite make up his mind and take a stand. But as he gripped my ankles and held my legs up, the pace steadily increased, and I saw sweat break out along his brow. The life energy seeping into me was moderate, just like everything else about this tryst, but compared to Dante, it was fairly significant. That energy made up for the rest of it, and when he came with a primal sort of grunt, that burst of life coursed into me in its entirety. Like fine tendrils of light, it raced through my body, reinvigorating me and making me strong. He staggered back, and I hopped down off the counter to quickly put my clothes back on. â€Å"Wow,† he gasped. â€Å"That was-â€Å" â€Å"Do not say worth the money,† I warned. â€Å"Particularly since you didn't pay.† He shut up, and I smiled. With a quick kiss on the cheek, I moved over to the door. â€Å"Thanks,† I said. â€Å"It was fun.† He fumbled for his underwear. â€Å"You want to go out sometime?† â€Å"Nope.† I left him to get dressed, discreetly closing the door behind me and remembering to take my drink with me. No one was upstairs, so our encounter had gone unnoticed-or so I thought. When I reached the bottom of the stairs, I nearly walked right into Seth. â€Å"Oh my God,† he said, giving me a once over. â€Å"You really did it?† â€Å"Did what?† I asked in a saccharine voice. â€Å"You know what. You've got that-that glow. That, and you're missing a button.† I glanced down at the guilty gap in the blouse and shape-shifted it to its former state. â€Å"There. Good as new.† He shook his head, keeping his voice low so we wouldn't be overheard. â€Å"I didn't really believe you'd do it. I saw you walk off with him and thought, ‘No, she wouldn't. Not here.' So I came over and-â€Å" â€Å"You what? Came to stop me?† I couldn't help an incredulous laugh. â€Å"Seth, what I do or don't do is none of your business.† â€Å"What about Dante? You just cheated on him.† â€Å"I cheat on all my boyfriends. Did you forget? It's what I do.† â€Å"You didn't need the energy fix. I could tell.† â€Å"Yeah, but I wanted the energy fix. What are you, jealous?† â€Å"What happened to you?† he demanded, evading my question. â€Å"How did you change so much? You're better than this.† â€Å"I've always been like this. You were just too starstruck to notice.† I turned and left him, heading back out to our friends, making sure I neatened up my appearance in tiny increments as I walked. The alcohol was really kicking in at this point, but I was pretty sure I still managed to walk without looking obviously drunk. When I reached the group, Kayla gestured to be picked up again. I was a little hesitant, but she seemed so insistent that I handed my drink to Doug and lifted her into my arms again. Mercifully, I didn't fall over. She studied me with those big blue eyes, and I wondered what she sensed. Something about her gaze affected me in a way that Seth's chastising hadn't. I felt bad for what I'd done. Dirty. Cheap. â€Å"She sure does like you,† said Maddie. â€Å"And you're great with her too. You should have kids of your own.† I ran a hand over Kayla's fine hair, recalling the dreams Nyx had sent me while she'd stolen my energy. They'd all shown an impossible future, me with a daughter and husband. â€Å"Can't,† I said. â€Å"Doug would be lousy at child support.† â€Å"Oh, be quiet,† he snapped back good-naturedly. I think he'd been drinking as much as me by now. Seth returned just then and touched Maddie's arm, his expression grim. â€Å"We should head off. Terry and the others will be back, and Kayla's probably getting tired.† Maddie's face fell a little. â€Å"Already?† It was the first time in their idyllic relationship that I'd ever seen signs of clouds. â€Å"We need to get her back,† Seth reiterated mildly. â€Å"And I've got a chapter to write.† She rolled her eyes. â€Å"Ah. Now the truth comes out.† Interesting. Maddie had to put up with the same stuff I had. â€Å"Stay,† Doug told her. â€Å"I'll give you a ride.† â€Å"Yeah, like I'd trust you behind a wheel right now.† â€Å"Then you drive me and Kincaid home, and Mortensen can go now.† They all finally decided that was a good idea. As Seth and Kayla were about to go, Maddie suddenly did a double-take. â€Å"Oh! Wait. You have to give Georgina her present.† I blinked. â€Å"Present?† Seth's face turned almost- almost -mischievous, though he was still clearly bothered by what had taken place in the house. â€Å"Uh, yeah. I just got a box of advanced copies of the next Cady and O'Neill book and wondered if you wanted one.† â€Å"I†¦Ã¢â‚¬  I stopped, unsure what to say. Maddie laughed. â€Å"You've been the belle of the ball all night, and this is what makes you speechless?† â€Å"Hey, it's not that easy. I mean†¦this is Cady and O'Neill. You know how I feel about them. I've sort of accepted that I wouldn't get to read their next installment until October. If I get it now, my whole universe will be thrown out of whack.† â€Å"So you don't want it?† asked Seth. â€Å"Oh, I want it. Just seems†¦I don't know. It feels like cheating.† â€Å"They're in the car right now,† teased Maddie in a singsong voice. â€Å"Sure you don't want one?† I looked at Seth's smile, and something weird passed between us. I could hardly believe that minutes ago, we'd been fighting in the house. The looks we exchanged, the way I felt†¦it was almost like it used to be. I hastily turned away. â€Å"Yes,† I groaned. â€Å"Of course I do.† Seth said good-bye to the rest of the bookstore gang and tried to find Casey, but she was surrounded by a throng of relatives. Giving up, he led me out of the yard to where he'd parked a block or so away. Kayla was still in my arms. None of us spoke, and it was just as well because my feelings were all tangled up. Every post-breakup interaction between us had been angry or painfully tense lately. Yet, in these last few moments, things had become almost comfortable again. Was it possible we'd ever move past this phase? Could the pain I'd gone through with him really ease up so quickly? He unlocked the car and got the book for me. I hoped I didn't gape like a schoolgirl when I saw it. All Fools Night . The cover showed the skyline of Washington, DC, blurred like a Renoir painting and overlaid with dark indigo. All sorts of warnings about it being an advanced copy and not for sale were on it, but I paid those no heed. I didn't want to sell it. I wanted to read it. Now. When I dragged my eyes up from the cover, Seth regarded me with happy amusement. â€Å"I can't believe you're really that excited.† â€Å"Why wouldn't I be? And why are you surprised? Lots of people love your books.† He shook his head. â€Å"Yeah†¦but it's still surreal to think that I can write something-create something-that affects people so strongly that they get an emotional involvement with what I've pulled from my head. And to realize that someone I know personally†¦knowing it affects you like that†¦well, like I said, surreal.† The sweet, earnest look in his eyes was making butterflies dance in my stomach, so I hastily looked back at the cover. I almost wished we'd start fighting again. â€Å"Seth†¦why†¦why are you doing this?† â€Å"Giving you the book?† He was puzzled. â€Å"No, I mean†¦being nice. And worrying about me back there.† â€Å"You don't think I'm normally nice?† I looked back up and sighed. â€Å"You know what I mean. We've been avoiding each other since New Year's, and when we have been together, it's been disastrous. Yet, here you are bringing me this†¦I just don't understand it. Was it Maddie's idea?† He stared at me for a long time, or at least it felt like it. A chill ran down my spine, and for a second, I felt disoriented, like I was in this time and another, reliving the same moment over again. â€Å"No. I did it because hate shouldn't last forever,† he said finally, voice soft. â€Å"Because eventually, you have to forgive. You can't just stop caring or†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He didn't finish the phrase. â€Å"I think we'll always have a connection, no matter where we go or what we do. And if so, I'd like us to be friends.† For the second time that night, I was speechless. There were a hundred things that would have made good responses. Telling him I agreed. Telling him I forgave him. Telling him I wanted us to be friends too. Yet, I couldn't muster those words, and I never had a chance to ponder exactly why because Kayla suddenly jerked in my arms, coming awake with wide-eyed alacrity. â€Å"Hey,† a voice called to us. We turned. Dante was about half a block away and walking toward us. With each step, Kayla recoiled further and further from his approach. Dante's lifetime of power-seeking and wicked deeds had left a taint on him, one that Kayla could sense the way she could sense my aura. I didn't entirely know what it felt like for her, but it couldn't be good. â€Å"Here,† I said to Seth. â€Å"Trade me.† Kayla went to him eagerly, and he handed over the book just as Dante reached us. He put an arm around me and kissed my cheek. â€Å"Got your message and thought I'd come by. Hey,† he said, by way of greeting to Seth. Seth nodded back, and whatever fragile companionship he and I had been rebuilding disappeared. Eager to distract, I employed the conversational gift I allegedly had. â€Å"Seth was leaving and just had to get this book for me.† I held it up as explanation. â€Å"How was work?† Dante kept his arm around me in a way that was almost proprietary. He'd always regarded my past with Seth nonchalantly, but I think me being so deeply involved with someone bothered him sometimes. His eyes lighted on Kayla for a moment. She was trying so hard to keep away from him that she was practically crawling off Seth. Mortal magic and abilities varied considerably, but I imagined Dante must be able to sense her too. A ghost of a smile crossed his lips, and then he turned his attention back to me. â€Å"Slow, as usual. I did get a couple of high teens wanting Tarot.† â€Å"Oh, lord. Your favorite kind of teens.† â€Å"Yup. Never questioned the price. I don't even know if they comprehended the fortune, to be honest.† â€Å"You didn't tell them about tree frogs, did you?† â€Å"Tree frogs?† asked Seth. â€Å"Yeah, Dante had these kids on acid come in once, and as part of their reading, he told them to beware of tree frogs.† Grinning, Dante shook his head at the memory. â€Å"Shit, that freaked them out. You should have seen them when they left the store. They were practically crouching on the ground, looking up everywhere, peering at every window and telephone wire. That would have almost been compensation enough.† The image always made me laugh. â€Å"But not this time?† â€Å"Nah, this group was just sluggish and out of it. On the bright side, they paid me ten dollars for a bag of Doritos I had sitting around. Gotta love kids spending their allowance.† Dante and I were both amused by his clients' antics, but glancing over, I saw that Seth was not. Something cold clenched inside me, and I could suddenly see us through his eyes. He didn't really find taking advantage of teens under the influence of drugs funny, whether it was monetarily or psychologically. When I'd first met Dante, I'd actually been appalled by the charlatan side of his business. When had I come to accept it? When had I come to enjoy it? I felt ashamed all of a sudden and hated what Seth must think of me. Then, I became angry for feeling that way, for letting myself feel judged. He had no power over me anymore. It didn't matter what he thought. The last of the coziness between us shattered, and I felt my icy exterior slip into place. I moved closer to Dante, and Seth's body language told me he'd seen the transformation I'd just undergone. â€Å"Well, you guys probably need to go,† I said abruptly. â€Å"Yeah,† Seth said uncomfortably. â€Å"I guess we'll see you later.† â€Å"Thanks for the book.† He merely nodded and then turned to put Kayla into her car seat. Her eyes met mine and I waved a good-bye, but the look of horror on her face never faltered. I knew it was for Dante, not me, but it hurt nonetheless. Dante wanted to head home and had mostly come to give me a ride. By that point, I felt weary and emotionally disoriented. Home sounded good. We went back inside to drop off my glass and tell Doug I was leaving. Doug looked about as thrilled to see Dante as Seth had, but he said nothing that wasn't in his usual jovial style. On the drive home, I stared vacantly out the window and ran my hands over the book's cover. â€Å"You were kind of chummy back there,† noted Dante. â€Å"Huh?† â€Å"With Mortensen. I felt like I was interrupting something.† â€Å"Oh. No. I just got kind of giddy over the book. You know how much I like them.† We came to a red light, and he glanced down at the cover. â€Å"Advanced copy? We could make a lot of money on eBay.† â€Å"Dante!† â€Å"Just a joke, succubus. Well, kind of. If you ever wanted to work your wiles on him and get more books, you could start a little side business.† â€Å"I don't need any extra cash. And my wiles are no good. Things are done. He and Maddie are happy.† â€Å"That doesn't mean anything. You don't think he still wants you? You don't think he'd sleep with you if he could?† â€Å"Why do you assume the worst about everyone?† â€Å"Because it's always true. I'm trying to break you of seeing the world through rose-colored glasses.† He paused while we merged onto the freeway and headed back toward the city. â€Å"And he can want you all he wants. I don't care, as long as you don't want him back.† â€Å"There you go again, acting jealous.† I tried to keep my voice teasing in order to deflect how close he'd hit to home. â€Å"I thought you didn't care who else I slept with.† â€Å"I don't. Just so long as you don't like them better than me.† I laughed and left that as my response, indicating how foolish a notion I thought it was. And yet, as we rode back in silence, I found myself hugging the book closer and closer.

Authentic Leadership Essay

Thus, one of the most important lessons on how to become an authentic leader is to be able to be one’s true self. It is about being uniquely yourself and being comfortable in your own skin. The fastest way to reach a point where one is comfortable in their own skin, is by searching deeply to understand and know who you truly are. Once you have discovered who you truly are, in order to be an authentic leader, you must endeavour to be that person who you know you have always been destined to be (Spence 2008). In order to give an understanding of how one becomes an authentic business leader, I have broken down the suggestions into ten components that authentic leaders must accomplish on a regular basis. This was the same approach taken by Spence (2008), and support of these action items is given from other articles. Always speak the truth An authentic leader must consistently speak the truth and this entails being clear, honest and authentic. This also means that you must have the strength of character to respond transparently to moral dilemmas because authentic leaders become ethical role models for their teams (Gardner and Schermerhorn 2004). A poll taken by Time/CNN some years ago reported that 71% of those polled felt that the typical CEO was less honest and ethical than the average person. A young leader must behave in a manner that makes them worthy of trust, reliance and belief in order to be deemed authentic. The leader must also be of the highest integrity and committed to building enduring organisations. A deep sense of purpose must guide their actions and they must always be true to their core values (George 2007). Integrity, stewardship and sound governance are essential. Human Resources Management BUSA 5059 (J. Ruwodo) Authentic Leadership Page 3 Author: Joy Ruwodo Date: Monday, May 25, 2009 Lead from the heart It is crucial that all leaders understand that they cannot run a business or organization on their own. People within the organisation are largely responsible for making the organisational clock tick. Thus, leadership is about people. In order to be an authentic leader, a leader needs to be able to make a difference to the lives of the people he serves and in so doing, make a difference to the world. You must be more interested in empowering the people you lead to make a difference than in money, power or prestige for yourself. You must be guided by qualities of the heart, passion and compassion, as well as by qualities of the mind (George 2007). A trait associated to compassion that a leader must have is empathy – the ability to relate and to connect with people for the purpose of inspiring and empowering their lives (Winfrey 2007). It is also vital to be willing to show vulnerability and to be open to corrective feedback which you can use to ensure continuous improvement for yourself (Geller 2007). Have a rich moral fibre Strength of character gives a leader a positive edge which can be recognised by anyone they interact with. A leader must be willing to work on their character and â€Å"walk the talk†. Such a solid character is more important than charisma. The leader’s public persona and private core must not be at odds, they must be aligned. Follow through is important. What is said in the public eye and what your corporate does must always tie up. Be courageous In order to become an authentic leader, one must be willing to do what is right always; even if it means going against the crowd.

Interacial marriage Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Interacial marriage - Essay Example Hohman (2002) relates this to cultural intolerance. Family members quest to protect their own culture prompt many to encourage marriage from the same race. Those involved in interracial relationships are perceived to be endangering their indigenous culture. Intolerance problem may persist especially in families who are cocooned in their traditional beliefs and are opposed to multicultural approaches. Families would go to the largest expend to protect their values. These values may be oppressing to some extent. The social status of an individual could be affected in an event family members are not familiar with interracial marriages. Stereotype is a major concern to those involved in interracial marriages. Family members could neglect or reject children from mixed races. This may have psychological effect to the children and their parents. Mockery and verbal abuses directed to such children could affect their social wellbeing. The parents’ role in crucial family decision-making processes could be minimized on the assumption that marring from a different race makes them less equal to other family members. In conclusion, one marring from a different race could caught between prioritizing his or her new family and protecting the values of the extended family. Family members may feel betrayed in an event choices do not favor their wishes. The married couple could face a psychological war triggered by other family members. Children would suffer the most as they would face stereotypes and could be subjected neglect to do their cross-cultural approach. In the end, family members could be the reason as to why such marriages may fail to

Job eveluation Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words - 1

Job eveluation - Research Paper Example The data collected by means of job evaluation and recapitulated in job descriptions has an array of uses in human resource management, neither of them more fundamental to the entire program of human resource than job assessment and pricing (Reda, 2002). Jointly, job evaluation, and job pricing determine what every job ought to pay. This guarantees that the pay is fair in two manners: internally, so that occupations that are moderately of larger value to the firm are paid more as compared to those of minimal value; and externally, So that rates rewarded to jobs in the firm are competitive with those remunerated by other organizations in the labor market for equivalent work. Job assessment establishes the comparative worth of a job with a different job or several others. It does not place pay rates that are the function of job pricing; relatively, it contrasts jobs with each other or gauges them against an average for instance, an Executive Secretary compared to a Stenographer, the Secretary is at a higher rank than the Stenographer. This sort of information is of importance to the firm since it acts as the basis for many elements in the program of human resource. Foremost, it carries over into the job pricing stage, with the outcome that, occupations of comparatively minimal value are awarded less pay (Rynes and Gerhart, 2000). Secondly, job evaluation identifies present wage inequalities. Job assessment exposes circumstances whereby occupations are not being paid in proportion to their comparative worth. Additionally, job evaluation offers the organization a system for allocating rates of wage to lately generated occupations compliant with their contribution to the organization (Kay, 2005). A novel occupation, for example, an E-mail Order Clerk, can be assessed and put in the apposite grade. This makes certain that the E-mail Clerk Order employed by the organization will be

Learning English Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Learning English - Case Study Example Being only a beginner, Jo's listening skill still needs improvement. During conversations, he shows interest yet he often cannot comprehend some of the questions being asked. Some words still required to be repeated over and over again. Often times, choosing simpler and more familiar words aid him to understand and respond more quickly during interviews. Jo's English speaking skills is limited by his narrow vocabulary. His sentences are often comprised of simple words put together as he would speak them in Korean. It should be noted that sentence formation in Korean is very much different than it is n English. During the interview, it is also observed that he is still having troubles in long and short vowel distinctions. As Koreans use rising and falling intonation for emphasis in their conversation, Jo also has the tendency to do this in highlighting his points. Also, he has the habit of pronouncing words which ends in consonant with i so that fish becomes pi-shi (f is not used in Korea) and bus becomes bu-si In general, the interviewee seems to be quite conscious about his skill which limits his answers to short phrases. He should be commended for his aim to perfect his speaking skills yet his biggest problem is on verb and subject agreement as well as correct tense. In terms of reading, Jo's accuracy is still ... His reading comprehension is better than I expected as he can easily answer questions from the article studied. However, it is also noted that he can read some words but still cannot understand them. Using dictionary aids him in understanding deeper and more complicated words. Jo's writing skills considerably improve when he consults his dictionary in order to express his ideas. However, without this aid he tends to use only familiar words which are often inaccurate for the purpose. He can write short simple sentences and interestingly tries to vary sentence structures. Jo's writing style is to build the paragraph by making sure that contents are cohesive and that they contribute to the whole piece. It is notable that he writes his experiences using time as the most important element in structuring his ideas. Jo has a huge problem in using correct tense. In his past tenses, he also needs to learn how to derive the past tense from the present. For example, instead just adding ed to stay to form the past tense, he change y to i and added ed. His grasp of verb and subject agreement is also lacking. Phrases and sentences should also be distinguished as he keeps on writing sentences without complete thought. Enriching his vocabulary with new words will also en able him to write better paragraph with more depth. The things which should be taught to Jo are verb and subject agreement, verb tenses, correct pronunciation of words, and a wider vocabulary. This can be done by reading activities which will enable him to learn new words, correct his pronunciation and intonation, and check his comprehension. I believe that Jo's English skills can be further improved by exposing him to

5 Stages of Team Development Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

5 Stages of Team Development - Essay Example The roles of each team are express and the leader has to marshal the team to meet the requirements of a strong team. I encountered the importance of having a strong team in my school when I had to come up with a group for a debate held in class. We were informed in advance and students were asked to make their choices based on what they felt was appropriate for increased chances of winning. To do this, I had to look for students with a common agenda and a basic understanding of the topic in discussion. The process of forming the group was challenging because people have no responsibilities outlined yet (Macionis and John, 2010). This also was a session where we have to know each other and appreciate each other’s skills as we planned on what to do after the initial stage. The process was interesting and I enjoyed knowing my friends better. While trying to fit in, the struggles experienced by groups that area still trying to fit in are noticeable, and that made it difficult to control some of the students. There were factions within the same group that wanted to take over the responsibilities while others wanted to maintain the status quo (Macionis and John, 2010). The storming stage was quite hectic and it almost broke the group apart. However, we were able to come to terms with the issues that were contentious and came up with a way of ensuring everyone was satisfied. The norming stage was characterized by the harmonization of our skills that made it easier to understand the issues taking place in the group and the best way of enhancing mutual support towards our common goal. We all wanted to win the debate, and the only way of doing this was first harmonizing the group and entrenching certain rules that would see us sharpen our skills and arguments. Developing a good team would see the next stage being more producti ve. The group’s performance was pegged

Explain the true-justified-belief theory of knowledge. Then make up Essay

Explain the true-justified-belief theory of knowledge. Then make up your own Gettier case and explain why it is counter-example to the analysis - Essay Example It is the efforts that would be needed for people to have knowledge. Knowledge and belief are used differently in philosophical terms. The connection between knowledge and belief is that belief is a belief is considered to be knowledge if the belief held is true and if the believer has a reasonable justification to believe it is true. According to the famous scholar Plato, knowledge can, therefore, be defined to mean Justified True Belief (JTB) also known as knowledge theory. There are three terms â€Å"truth†, â€Å"belief†, and â€Å"justification† which are very pronounced in the knowledge theory. In epistemology, belief denotes faith. It is concerned with what we believe such as traditional held believes. This includes the truth and everything we believe to be right from our cognitive point of view. What a person belief of something as true or not is not a necessity for a belief. One my belief something which is wrong but that will not disregard the belief from being true. The belief held by such a person was a mistaken belief but not that the belief was wrong. This brings the concept of truth. These conditions of truth, belief and justification must be taken together to be sufficient for JTB. The justified True Belief was strongly held in the world of philosophy but not until Gettier came in and questioned the knowledge that was held for thousands of years. In his argument, Gettier claimed that the knowledge held by someone may be justified and true, yet fail to count as knowledge. This was known as Gettier problem. Suppose I stumble on Mary, a class mate driving license which is written that she comes from Chicago. Having seen that legal document, I’m justified to belief that Mary comes from Chicago. Suppose I infer from the above case and say that someone in my class comes from Chicago. Now, Mary driving license turns to be a fake one. It seems that what I believed was wrong which even makes my second belief to be wrong. Unknown to me, I may have

The cultural ideology of Victorian America Essay

The cultural ideology of Victorian America - Essay Example Some of these beliefs that placed a woman in a certain sphere that was oppressive to the working class women included purity, submissiveness, domesticity, and religiousness. Purity required that a woman was to preserve her virginity until she got married. Any woman that could not do so was seen as valueless and dirty. Submissiveness based on the fact that God made men superior to women, therefore, an ideal woman was to be submissive to her husband as a small child would be for a grown up and obey all the commands that she got from her husband. As for domesticity, a woman was considered the most important one at home as long as domestic work was concerned. She was to cook, feed, do the laundry and clean the house for her husband and children. When it came to religiousness, a religious woman was more ideal for a man compared to a smart woman. This is because they believed religion did not make a woman change and make her leave her sphere like an intelligent woman who would change and q uestion the authority of men and authority in the society (Peiss 78). There are some factors that led to the sphere separation. First, there was industrialization fwhich brought many changes to society. The beginning of industrialization saw a shift in energy use. Men were required to leave their homes and go work in the factories. This meant that the women were left behind in their homes to attend to domestic works and take care of the families. The second contribution to the separate sphere was , biological capabilities. There was a permanent belief that there is some type of jobs that were suited for men and some for women. Women were seen as helpers to men and their duty was to serve men and please them. They were seen with a major task of reproduction and taking care of the children. Other factors that led to separate sphere where, confining of women in their own sphere by legal prohibition that were against women taking professions such as law and medicine and further forbiddi ng women from taking higher education. Despite all these hindering factors, women found strength amongst them through the separate sphere, by reaching out to other women in solidarity, sisterhood in the same ground. The cult of domesticity was a value system that got popularity amongst the middle class and the upper class in the 19th century in the U.S and Britain. Since there was separation of public and private spheres, women’s power and status in public declined but they gained power in the private atmosphere and homes. This system had many negative effects, since women were kept from participating in market labor and their services were to be voluntary and free. It made it as a burden for the woman in case she lost her husband through death. This meant she had to start from the bottom to search for food for her and her children. It is through this value system that women were seen as better in parenting. Some of the two notable ballroom dances are Waltz dance and Polka da nce. The waltz dance originated in Germany, moved to France, England then United States. In the 19th century, it was the most common couple dancing style. Waltz dance was related to the romantic nature of the 19th century. Another notable dancing was the polka dancing style, a folk dance which originated from Bohemia, passed in France, England t

Case study Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words - 12

Case study - Essay Example One thing which is common among them is that they all love their jobs, even if they are apparently difficult to others. All the job profiles mentioned in the examples are apparently tough and hectic, which provides challenging situations and huge work load. They also demands extensive attention and time devotion to an employee’s work life. In general, most of the employees would face exhaustion and burn out while working in this schedule (Burke & MacDermid, 1999), but these individuals mentioned in the examples, are driven by challenge and they are motivated by high target fulfilment. All of them work in respectable and well renowned companies and in reputable positions. Although, they have very little time for personal life, and their work-life balance is reduced to a minimum, they enjoy their work life more than their personal life. These individuals are all self-motivated; they are driven by tough challenges and high achievement of success. According to Douglas, and Morris (2006), most workaholic people work for personal desire, they are rarely driven by the future outcome, rather what push es them is the need to complete their task and reach their goal. They all push themselves out of their comfort zone, to achieve what most of the people cannot. Some of the jobs allow the employees to travel all around the world, which is preferred by a workaholic employee, but is seen as a hectic scheduled job by an average one. According to Koà §oglu, Gà ¼rkan, and Aktas (2014) challenging workload is one of the factors of job satisfaction. Workload can be overwhelming to employees if it exceeds the employees’ working ability. Eventually, it causes job dissatisfaction and psychological withdrawal from the job. On the other hand, too little work load can cause job dissatisfaction too, because the employee eventually feels frustrated and their morale goes down (Koà §oglu,

Gender Ideologies in Local Context Essay Example for Free

Gender Ideologies in Local Context Essay Present essay deals with analysis of gender ideologies’ functioning in certain local contexts. The latter is discussed through the prism of interactionist approach, which seems to be the most effective in terms of describing micro-level at which gender ideologies function. It provides with possibilities for studying how performative, discourse and social strategies of actors realized in local contexts are embedded in general gender ideology framework. For the present analysis a bar was chosen as the local context, where field study was conducted and gender ideologies’ reflection in interactions between men and women were analyzed. The central research question of this paper, hence, may be formulated as follows: how do gender ideologies shape interactions between men and women in bar or night club? Gender ideologies in local contexts: interactionist approach. Gender ideologies represent certain social and cultural constructs, which structure the perception of female and masculine identities, societal roles, family status and production relations etc (Philips, 2). Gender ideologies should be understood as a product of social structure, which fosters different roles of men and women in society. For instance, it may be said that currently dominant perception of women in society was formed within predominantly patriarchal discourse. Paradoxically, patriarchal perception of women affects their own gender ideology and identity, which often corresponds with socially constructed identity. Hence, women’s interactions with men are affected by the absence of their organic self-identity – they are forced to interact within the discourse created by men. However, the latter is realized through women’s own discursive system, which may be described as the micro-level of gender ideology. As Lakoff suggests, women and men learn their distinct languages from the childhood, which being the part of universal language, in fact reflect different identities in gender interactions (Lakoff, 222). Interactions, according to interactionist approach are based on endowing of certain subjective actions of the Other with meaning and symbols (Blumer, 45). In gender interactions, such meaning is ascribed to actions, based on gender ideologies. For instance, as Lakoff suggests of women’s discourse, ‘If she refuses to talk like a lady, she is ridiculed and subjected to criticism as unfeminine’ (Lakoff, 222). The latter example shows that gender ideologies are genuinely embedded in gender interactions, because they form the frame of understanding, actions’ meaning and behavior. Moreover, as Lakoff suggests, there exist considerable differences between women’s and men’s use of vocabulary, especially as far as the use of strong words, adjectives and particles are concerned (Lakoff, 223-224). The latter may be evident in any local context, including gender interactions in bar or nightclub, as it would be shown. Any local context activates specific aspects of gender ideology. According to Philips, notwithstanding culture, ‘There are at least four aspects of human experience that regularly enter into gender ideologies. These include work, appearance, sexuality and reproduction’ (Philips, 8). There is no denying the importance of the fact, that in the interactionist context, analyzed in this paper, such aspects as sexuality and appearance come into play in the first place. Based on these general theoretic considerations concerning gender ideologies let us analyze their reflection in concrete location’s context of bar, based on the empirical data collected in the field study. Gender Ideologies in gender interactions in bar Field research for this study was conducted in Dirtbags Bar and Grille in Tucson, AZ on June 1, 2009 during 10:30-Midnight. The data collection orientation focused on observing how gender ideologies affect gender interactions in this situational context. The first observation includes objective behavioral patterns of men and women during their visit to bar. It was established as a fact, that men may arrive to bar both in 3-4 individuals groups and alone. Women, as the field study found never arrive alone, but only with their boyfriend of female friend. The latter situation may be interpreted through the prism of Butler’s approach to gender identity construction. According to Buttler, identity is constructed based on repetition of certain behavioral patterns, gestures, discourses etc (Butler, 519). The latter implies that social structures, existing in society already provide women with stable behavioral orientations, taught to them by their families, older friends. One of such behavioral codes, which are immediately linked to gender ideology may be described as the cultural taboo for visiting entertainment public places alone. Such taboo is connected first of all with institutionalized male perception of women, being alone in the bar or night club, as the invitation for sexual relations. Based on this perception, visiting bar alone for women automatically means moral fault, since she is immediately associated with prostitute etc. Unlike women’s case, in men’s gender ideology the problem of man’s visiting bar alone does not exist, since it is not problematized as gender issue at all. Therefore, it is evident that men have more behavioral options and may choose between them to one’s own like. Buttler suggests that gender identities and ideologies are constructed through theatrical and performative interactions (Buttler, 520). The latter is particular evident in women’s focus on their dress, while visiting the bar. Women are more prone to put the emphasis on their own clothes and comment on the apparels of their female friends. They often made complements concerning good dress of each other. As the same time, men regularly have no tendency to comment on the clothes of their male friends. Instead, they often make complements to women concerning their dress. The latter observations show that gender ideology functions through performative and theatrical behavior reflected in the culture of dressing. Men are relatively indifferent to what their friends wear, however, pay much attention to what women wear. The performative and theatrical role of gender ideologies is also evident in women and men behavior, when they enter the bar. Women express much more willingness to be noticed by public, including both men and women, as they immediately look for people they know. Unlike, women, men seem to be less tied by any social obligations as they often go straight to the bar and order drinks and only after this greet people they know. Moreover, a bar serves for men a spot to sit down, while women prefer staying near the bar and being attentive to what is going on around them. Gender ideological conventions concerning sexuality are also evident in the types of drinks ordered by men and women. First of all, male gender ideology is obvious in the wide-spread practice of ordering drinks by men for women, especially as the part of acquaintance or showing sexual interest. Such behavior is often welcomed by women, who are embedded in gender ideologies of men, because women are prone to interpret such attention as the marker of sympathy and often use it in their own interest. As far as the type of beverages, drunk by men and women are concerned, men usually do not differentiate between different drinks, while women often order low calorie beverages such as ‘diet coke and Bacardi’ or sugar free redbull. The latter shows that the majority of women are embedded in the discourse relating to their appearance and sexuality, which is according to Philips is one of the central aspects of gender ideology (Philips, 9). Women, embedded in gender ideology, try to follow its main conventions in any local context, including bar. Gender interactions in bar are also characterized by both and men and women behavior directed at emphasizing correspondingly their femininity and masculinity. Men in the conversation with women always try to lower the pitch of their voices, while women often raise it. As Tannen suggests, such strategies are inherently gender, because they are affected by existing ideological representations of femininity and masculinity (Tannen, 169). In these ideological representations masculinity is characterized by the low pitch of voice, which is associated with men authority and women’s high pitch, associated with her secondary role in society. Gender socialization patterns in bar are also very informative, as far as the reflection of gender ideologies is concerned. Women feel more comfortable always being in company either of their female or male friends. In contrast, men may be either alone or in company without any differentiation. For women being in company guarantees the stability of her identity, because she may fully realize her performative and theatrical patterns of behavior. In contrast, being alone often causes negative gender connotations. Gender interactions in a bar are predominantly initiated by men, when a member of a male group offers a drink to a woman or a group of women. Often women refuse such invitations, however, in a majority of cases they agree even if they feel compelled and uncomfortable in communicating with the large group of men. A man being alone, however, is less prone to initiate conversations with women, than if he finds himself in company. There is no denying the importance of the fact, that the discussed pattern of gender interactions in bar reflects certain features of dominant gender ideologies. As Butler suggests, gender interactions are regulated by social sanctions and taboos (Butler, 520). One of such taboos may be formulated as follows: women are generally not eligible to initiate gender interactions with men; such priority solely belongs to the latter due to their primary role in gender relations. The realization of this taboo is particularly evident in bar context, where women generally behave in such a manner in order to stimulate men’s interest, however, their own interests is hidden from public. A woman may be interested in communicating with a given man, however, due to certain gender limitations she is more likely to refuse from her ambitions. Moreover, men usually feel uncomfortable when gender interactions are initiated by women, because it is usually mocked up in his male company. Hence, it may be postulated that taboos and limitations relating to gender interactions exist both in male and female gender ideologies. If a woman and a man know each other they usually greet by hugs, kisses and even if they are not engaged in romantic relations, they often show some kind of flirting. In personal interactions between men and women gender ideologies are also evident in men’s primary role in initiating tactile closeness with women, especially after alcohol drinks, including closeness, flirt, kisses, hugs, joking etc. Women, interested in such gender interactions, would not hesitate to communicate and flirt. However, a woman, who feels uncomfortable in this situation, according to the field study conducted, tries to use any possibility to escape from such kind of interactions. Gender ideologies are also embedded in the purpose of men and women’ visiting bars. Men usually visit bars to chase after women and find the object of their sexual desires etc. Women may also visit bars in this purpose, however, their clear intentions are not seen so obviously as that of men, hence, we may speak of dubious nature of their purpose. Such distribution of gender roles clearly resonates with dominant gender ideology, according to which men have the priority in initiating close gender relations. As far as dancing practices in bars are concerned, men are less prone to dance alone; however, women have no qualms about it. Men prefer dancing if they want to initiate interactions with women – in such a case they dance close to her. Apart from this, gender interactions in bar are often characterized by age limitations. Older women rarely visit such kind of places; however, older men may be seen there more frequently. Conclusion Gender ideologies represent language reflection of certain social and behavioral patterns of men and women and society. They usually refer to different social roles, types of discourse, sanctions and taboos and behavior of men and women. The analysis of gender ideologies in local context of bar showed that they are reflected in concrete interactions. Men and women usually act according to well-established gender conventions of behavior, which are reflected in initiating interactions, purpose of bar visit, behavior in groups, intersexual behavior etc. Women seem to be considerably affected by their representation in men gender ideologies, which means that they have no behavioral choices. In contrast, men’s behavior is characterized by the possibility of choice between a wide range of options. Men may be either alone or with friends, initiate gender interactions or not etc. Women have virtually no choices: they have refuse from initiating interactions, positively respond to any men’s attempt to initiate communication, always be in a company etc. Moreover, gender interactions in bar reflect crucial social perceptions of women sexuality and appearance, which are the first aspect of gender coming into play in bar context. Women put emphasis on their appearance and clothes and often try to present their identity in performative and theatrical way, which according to Buttler, immediately links such kind of behavior to gender strategies. In contrast men, pay less attention to such things and behave in a more casual and free way. Finally, men’s behavior in a bar is regulated by the lesser number of social sanctions and taboos. References Blumer, Herbert (1969). Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Berkeley: University of California Press. Butler, Judith. (1988). ‘Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay in Phenomenology and Feminist Theory’. Theatre Journal. Vol. 40 # 4, (519-531). Lakoff, Robin. Extract from Language and Woman’s Place. Philips, Susan U. (1999). Gender Ideology, Cross Cultural Aspects. International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Oxford: Elsevier Science Ltd. Tannen, Deborah. â€Å"She is the Boss†: Women and Authority.

Documentation in Hotel Essay Example for Free

Documentation in Hotel Essay It was 1946. People were still recovering from the ravages of war when a Swiss gentleman named Emil Landert opened the Old Swiss Inn Restaurant along Dewey Boulevard (Roxas Boulevard) near the corner of United Nation Avenue. Many thought that it was not the right time to open a business but Landert preserved armed with the right combination zest, talent and vision. The late Landert was a culinary expert and a man of charm who personally attended to the kitchen and his guest. His personalized service, the ambiance, and the Rotary Club International for about a decade. Various nationalities, including Filipinos, especially those whom Landert initiated in the appreciation of his country’s cuisine, also made it their preferred watering hole. With its authentic specialties originating from the 26 cantons (regions) of Switzerland, the restaurant became still very popular that most old- times reminisce on those good old days. After more than 20 years of successful operation Landert purchased a lot beside Paco Park where he relocated his business in the late 1960’s. Thus the birth of Hotel Swiss Manila and a bigger fame as having the longest bar in town. It was also the only restaurant with telephone booths and it was popular to guest who enjoyed novelty of being able to make free calls. Hotel Swiss Manila is now named The Garden Plaza Hotel and Suites and since it re-opened in November 1995 under a new management. It has steadily attracted old clients from Landert era as well as new ones. After all, it still operates the famous Old Swiss Inn Restaurant with an equally successful restaurants serve steaks, sausages, savory versions of the legendary fondue and specialties, which were in Landert’s original menu, in addition to other authentic European dishes. With food attendants garbed in traditional Swiss fashion, the milieu displays typical European flair. It offers a variety of hors d’ oeuvres, soups and salads made from the freshest ingredients to whet appetite. And for the main course, it has specialties from the Swiss- German, and Swiss – Italian regions complemented by a list of house favorites. A tempting array of dishes is also offered in big servings a la family of family- style as a salute to kinship and camaraderie. Located right beside the historic Paco Park, THE GARDEN PLAZA HOTEL AND SUITES is uniquely situated at the confluence of five streets and is easily accessible to Manila’s Tourist Belt, Intramuros, Rizal Park and their notable attraction, including the Bay area where on ocean view Manil’s famous sunset. Sporting a new look and additional facilities, it has a total of 105 air-conditioned rooms and suites equipped with complete amenities, including a safe box, fax machine upon request, mini-bar, IDD/NDD connection, cable TV, hot and cold water, clothesline and hairdryer. The rooms are well furnished, fully carpeted, spacious and comfortable. They are categorized as STANDARD, SUPERIOR,DE LUXE and Suites are natural options for families or groups because they are equipped with kitchenettes. Service included room service (up to 11:00 pm only), valet parking, transportation, catering, laundry, medical service on call and foreign exchange. Among its facilities are two restaurants, a fully- equipped Business Center, Convinience Shop, swimming pool and function rooms for seminars, conference wedding and private parties. Alternative venues for social occasions are the poolside and courtyard can accommodate up to 180 people. Excellent catering service is also a pride of the hotel. The Garden Plaza Hotel and Suites is young and brimming with fresh ideas. The paradox is it has a long and notable history, which many people cannot forget and happily with its innovative and creative marketing, it is comfortably living up to that positive image.

Punishment And Rehabilitation Between Prison Probation Services Criminology Essay

Punishment And Rehabilitation Between Prison Probation Services Criminology Essay When the prison population doubles, then doubles again, and then doubles again as it has done in EW from 15,900 in 1901 to nearly 90,000 in 2010, it follows that there will be substantial increase in the number of supervised by National Probation Service (NPS). The probation service is responsible for the commissioning and delivery of offenders who are subject to a court order or those released on licence from prison. The probation service focuses on the following aims and objectives: proper punishment, protecting public, reduce re-offending, assisting courts in sentencing, victim empathy, rehabilitation and finally best use of resources. As shown, its aims are less about the welfare of offenders and more about social control, which will be covered in more depth in this chapter. During the late 1990s, the probation service was targeted by the media for its poor ability to administer probation orders due to the lack of effective punishment for offenders (Ward et al 2002). Association Of Chief Officers Of Probation (ACOP) released the results of their study which revealed what was feared. It clearly demonstrated that improving enforcement was fundamental for proper punishment and public protection. Thereby, in order to re-gain public confidence and that of the courts, the service took an active approach to ensure that those who breach an order will be returned to court or custody for further sentencing. However, data collected by the National Association of Probation Officers (NAPO) indicated that; à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦many of the recalls were for technical reasons such as not following rules, or missing appointments. In the majority of the cases of those recalled for technical reasons, there was no evidence of risk to the public. Cases published by the Napo include individuals who were recalled for not getting up in the morning, for reporting to the wrong probation office, for loosing their permanent address, because of tags not workingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (cited in Sim 2009 page 112) Thereby, although probation officers attempts to protect public with rigorous enforcement orders, for Hearnden and Millie (2004) these changes made little advancement because organisational effectiveness of law enforcement agencies has been seen in terms of control and punishment, rather than rehabilitation of offenders. Recent research findings support Hearnden and Millies claim as re-conviction rates within the first two years of being released from prison is more than 60% (Telegraph 2008). As a consequence of an organisational shift towards law-enforcement, it has been told that control-oriented models of NOMS had an inhibitory effect on the performance of rehabilitation and treatment needs of offenders. Although control-oriented and rehabilitative forms of treatment have been used together, one of the other has been obviously pre-eminent; punishment. This, as a result, brought a punitive criminal justice system which also increased fears about the disappearance of the caring and socially aware aspects of probation work. For Farral (2002) such changes have been a dismal failure because professional literature recommends assisting individuals in the process of self-change and building on strengths. In support, Farrals (2002) project which included interviewing almost two hundred probationers revealed the very small role that supervising probation staff had played in any successful desisting from crime. It has, for long, been recommended by Bottoms and McWilliams (1979) and many others that the elements of rehabilitation and punishment should be separated from each other. More controlling the probation service may be, but Ames (2002) told that probation staffs are often reluctant to punish offenders because they have understandably felt that this is not their proper business, and indeed is not within their power (Duff 2003). It has come to be assumed by many probation officers that offenders have problems, often involving their adjustment to society and to life in general. And because the problems of many more offenders lie in their situation, past and present, rather than in themselves, officers are more willing to refer offenders to agencies in which they can obtain special help with housing, employment, drug or alcohol problems and mental health needs which are all considered to be aspects of re-offending (Thames Valley Criminal Justice Board 2007). This reinforces the arguments put forward by Bottoms and McWilliams over twenty years ago when they wrote that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ help may be more crime-reducing than treatment (1979: 174). It is clear fro m this statement that offenders require understanding, and as a result of their understanding they will receive insights which will substantially alter their attitudes after a criminal activity. The notion of reintegration is well known in Marunas Liverpool desistance study where he found that participants often talked about the role of probation officers in recognising redemption (Maruna 2000). But not only do the probation officers play big role in re-integration; models of reintegration stress the need for changes in both role and status for the released prisoner: The exchange theory concept of reciprocity suggests that only by taking responsibility for making things right with victims and victimised communities can offenders change either the communitys image of them or their perceptions of themselves. (Bazenmore and Stinchcomb 2004: page) So the emerging question is how can offenders change either the communitys image of them or their perceptions of themselves. For Williams (1995: 124), the latter can be achieved by developing a professional relationship with the client. However, there is a barrier. In contrast to Ames (2002), more recent findings revealed that the attitude of the probation officer to the probationer is no longer as it would be adopted by a sensible friend. Though there are still elements in place in to supply advice, assist and befriend but in reality it is lacking. Strategies For Effective Offender Supervision highlighted the necessity for a higher detailed quality approach to deal with offenders by addressing more of their specific behaviour (HMIP 1998b). Offenders can change communitys image of them by undertaking community work in the community- which is a form of punishment. Nonetheless, no matter how strict the supervision of offenders, and no matter the extent of technology used, it will not be considered to be as effective as the simple act of imprisonment because offenders are not under a total control which prison affords, and is therefore not physically prevented for a period from committing further crimes. However, there are many reasons which provoke government from abolishing the objective of proper punishment; from an effective punishment in the community the offenders are more likely to able to pay compensation to their victims (Home Office, 1998: 7) by having the chance to re-appraise their lives and their relationships to other people. Moreover, as well as being economic for the taxpayer, it also boosts the probationers chance of finding employment as many offenders have poor work records; especially among school leave rs. In theory, community sentences help to ease the pressure on the prison system. As well as being cheaper than prisons, community sentences have shown to have lower recidivism rate; in 2007, 37% of people on a community order re-offended within one year of the order coming to an end as it offers a difficult but genuine opportunity for self-determination and an incentive to use it in legitimate directions. Community orders lasts between 60 and 240 hours of useful labour in the community. Approximately 70% of supervised offenders will be on community sentences each year. With community sentences, probation service aims to provide punishment (the hard work); reparation (working for the community); deterrence (giving up free time to work for nothing); incapacitation (restriction of liberty); and rehabilitation (achieving something worthwhile, and perhaps even learning a new skill). Among the community sentences performed by offenders has been work in youth clubs, hospitals and elderly home s, construction, painting and decorating, cleaning and many more. As psychologist ________ assert The desire to be wanted is basic to human nature (reference). In regards to community sentences, many who feel rejected by their families or society can under the right circumstances find fulfilment in discovering that they are needed by others. For example, Inner London Probation Service provides Bulldog Employment Project for offenders who are fully capable of work. The participants are paid more than they would receive from unemployment benefits, but less than they could obtain outside the programme. In due course they can leave work not only with the habit but also with an employers reference. This example provides the base of support which enables the offender to rise above their situation so they do not return to a life of crime by increasing their empathy with victims and growing their sense of community responsibility. (Ward 2008). This is consistent with Bazelmore and Stitchcombs model of reintegration. However, in some places the community wo rk has not been so inventive; it has been claimed that a few public service institutions in North London have been painted four times because the local probation service has run out of ideas (reference) In addition to the fact that community penalties lack the denunciatory power and the punitive elements of imprisonment, there is a huge amount of criticism that the idea of punishment turned upside down when considering that offenders often enjoy and continue to work voluntarily after the order expired. This is an opposition to utilitarian theory because the amount of pain derived from the community sentence is not greater than the amount of pleasure that is derived the forbidden activity (reference) Despite the potential of non-custodial sentences as an alternative to custody, magistrates and judges are sceptical of their use particularly when regarding the adequate supervision of offender which is resulting in prisons becoming a massive and seemingly indispensable pillar of contemporary social control (Garland 2001:14), which does not do anything to overcome the contemporary crisis experienced with the prison system. Having said that there have also been cases where non-custodial s entences have been imposed on minor offenders who would otherwise have received lesser penalties or none. This proves that there is inconsistency when imposing a sentence. And also, apart from being an excessive invasion of their liberty, this overloads the probation service. Another form of community penalty is the curfew order (electronic tagging) which is predominantly used for juveniles. Since electronically monitored curfews were introduced and implemented throughout in EW, their use has increased dramatically from 9,000 cases in 1999 to 53000 in 2004-05 (reference). The Home Office spend over  £100 million on the electronic monitoring of curfews. Although the primary purpose of electronic tagging is to monitor a curfew and reduce the opportunities for offenders to commit further crimes during their sentence, this does not prevent the offender from potentially deviating during the day. National Audit Office (NAO) reported that those who breached their curfew were more likely to have committed an office whilst on tag than those who had complied with the curfew (NAO 2006:3:1) In addition to this some offenders have tampered with or removed their tagging device which increase the risk of a breach and the subsequent risk of recidivism. However, some sc holars told that reconviction rates vary by offender- some statistics giving more convincing results. Despite the various criticisms, electronic tagging is financially more beneficial compared with incarceration. Moving on, as a result of tensioning recidivism rates and adverse publicity many critics point their finger at the probation service for its poor job handling. Speaking from their own experience and their knowledge of being part of a wider national probation workforce, staff reported sheer numbers of sickness absences which are sometimes accompanied by feelings of fear and insecurity (BBC News 2009a). These resulted in staff-resignations which further pressurised staff (BBC News, 2009b). Statistics are available to confirm this; each year the probation service commences the supervision of some 165,000 offenders; the caseload on any given day is believed to be in excess of 200,000 (Ministry of Justice 2009: 3). The funding invested to probation service over the recent years to provide more effective and beneficial service, particularly in supervision of community sentenced offenders allowed the service to become a more attractive proposition for the courts, not simply because they fel t resources are in place to enable them to use community orders more widely, but also because it is considered by courts to be more efficient and suitable form of treating and training offenders than imprisonment (Ministry Of Justice 2008). Given that the service as a whole relies upon the loyalty and integrity of its staff (reference), it is unimpressive that staffs are often feeling unsupervised and unsupported by their bosses (BBC News 2009c). In an attempt to reduce workload between the years of 2001-2008, the number of staff involved in the probation service has increased by 37%. This hides the reduction in the number of professionally qualified probation officers by 4%. Despite the rise in number of staff, the ratio of offenders to qualified probation officers has dramatically risen from 31:1 to 40:1, which is an increase of 28% as a result of numerous factors affecting the flows and caseloads. (NPS for England and Wales, 2005) Some of these factors are; the number of cases passing through the courts and the number found guilty; the length of time spent on remand; the custody and court order rates at the courts; and the number of offenders breaching court orders. Moreover, the role of the probation has expanded in many directions. As though the current workload is not enough, the probation service now has a duty to contact victims about the progress of the case and also give free and emotional support and practical help to victims of crime, their family, friends and anyone who is affected by it. According to _____ this is a rational decision because if the service continued to withdraw ignoring victims it would be targeted publicly and politically for its naiveness, thus it would also be morally unacceptable to behave as though the offenders need for rehabilitation is more important than victims. Of particular importance is that, according to _________, being equipped with fewer roles and responsibilities would make the service more likely to achieve those aims. Overall, a particular attention must be paid to rising workloads and staff dis-satisfaction, which in itself is bad but what is also important is that it makes the job of the probatio n service much more difficult and the possibility of rehabilitation and punishment far less likely to be successful than it otherwise would be. For instance, only about half of community sentence orders ran their full-course or at most, the likely offenders were terminated early for good progress. This could possibly be due to the fact the staff in these facilities are under immense pressure which produce hasty decisions, which are then reflected in the recidivism rates (Ministry of Justice 2009: 2). In order to reach its primary objectives, Multi-Agency Public Protection (MAPPA) was introduced in April 2001 to improve powerful management system for those offenders who are a potential threat to the community à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ensuring that public protection is the priority (MAPPA, 2005) For the most serious of cases MAPPA can take further actions to prevent distress to citizens. However, the plausibility of this agency is limited. An independent investigation agency, Panorama, revealed that only the top two risk levels, two and three, are tracked by the service. They argue that majority of violent criminals in England and Wales include sex offenders who are only classified as a low risk and subject to less supervision. (Panorama) In order to protect the public and reduce re-offending, risk assessment forms the basis for successive intervention and management of offenders by identifying harms posed. It is an important feature of the probation service and a core activity of a fully qualified probation officer. The intentions of government ministers for improving the risk assessment is clear; to be seen to be fighting crime on a politically sensitive issue.(reference) However, such an objective was difficult to achieve when traditional ways of working based on professional autonomy led to inconsistency and variation in probation practice. As a solution, over the decade, various risk assessment tools have been developed to eliminate inconsistency, but were, too, often open to criticisms. Ultimately, the creation of OASys sought to fulfil the aims of the prison and probation service by working in partnership with other institutions and also ensuring that probation officers assessed risk against the same criteria i n the same previous way. Howard et al (2006:33) highlighted the effectiveness of OASys as the best of actuarial methods of prediction with structured clinical judgement. However, critical consequences have been acknowledged by staff such as the loss of autonomy and de-skilling. Many officers complained that their job was becoming increasingly standardised, technical, and routine. (Leach 2004) The same argument was put forward by probation officers in a previous risk assessment tool such as LSI-R. (Robinson 2003). However, such changes in New Labours image of the modernized correctional institutions failed to materialise with respect to the protection of ex-prisoners upon release. This could perfectly be explained in the case of Gabriel Ferez and Laurent Bonomo, who were the victims of correctional service for their errors which left offenders free to kill (BBC News 2009c). Equally important, according to Shaw, in the week following release, prisonersà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ are about 40 time s more likely to die then the general population (2007; 1) because offenders have problems in meeting their basic needs for food and shelter. Their basic needs also act as a barrier to develop relationships with other people. Such arguments are nothing new; as early as in the late 1960s, Dr. Eugene Heimler (1967) provided a convincing argument that when the satisfaction of a mans basic needs falls below a certain level he finds it increasingly difficult to struggle with his everyday life, with all the pressures and forces of social living. A step taken by the Labour government to successfully meet its objective of rehabilitating offenders and protecting public was by developing staff. In an attempt to ensure that staff are of the right quality, well trained and efficiently used, labour government have abolished the diploma in Social Work and replaced it by integrating level 4 NVQ and an undergraduate degree to become a probation officer. The underlying reason for a change was to move beyond a social work curriculum by maintaining a university base. (Nellis, 2003: 95) Although the new requirement is much more preferable to the previous, there are some limitations that must not be masked. A major concern is the diminution of properly contextualised understanding of offending which was the strength of social work training. (Bhui 2001:1)Thus the emerging question is, though new probation officers may know how to run an effective programme, will they have a good comprehension of wider relevant issues such as social deprivat ion and so on? Surely this is still a concern for the service for the reason of there being little scope for the probation officers to decide how they want to work due to the introduction of accredited programmes and minimum standards they have to follow. In support, a newspaper article informs that officers spend about 25% of their time face-to-face with offenders (BBC News 2009b) which highlights how technical staffs have become. So rather than being encouraged to do as they are told, officers should be given the environment to think independently as professionals which would also eliminate dissatisfaction and enable them to meet their, and offenders, psychological needs. Frankly probation service was targeting both, offenders and victims, in its early years, (Smith et al., 1988) but this was not the case in the last decade or two. This Another problem stemming from punishment in the community is that if an offender is undergoing a probation order of treatment is later charged with a further offence, the court will most likely disapprove its previously given generous opportunity. This will lead to an inclination not only to impose a prison sentence, but an imprisonment longer than that which might otherwise be considered appropriate. This could perfectly be explained in the case of Gabriel Ferez and Laurent Bonomo, who were the victims of correctional service for their errors which left offenders free to kill (BBC News 2009c). The punishment should be imposed by the court, and rehabilitation should be agreed between the offender and the probation officer. In EW, although punishments are largely dependent on the court order issued, Carter report told that they do not tend to address the needs of the offender (91). However, a problem stemming from punishment in the community is that if an offender is undergoing a probation order of treatment is later charged with a further offence, the court will most likely disapprove its previously given generous opportunity. This will lead to an inclination not only to impose a prison sentence, but an imprisonment longer than that which might otherwise be considered appropriate. This could perfectly be explained in the case of Gabriel Ferez and Laurent Bonomo, who were the victims of correctional service for their errors which left offenders free to kill (BBC News 2009c). (See extra stuff document) for a conclusive paragraph Nonetheless, the ineffectiveness of such roles and responsibilities should not solely be attributed to the probation service or to the Ministry of Justice. Indeed, they can not find satisfaction in work and recreation, and do not have the motivation to acquire the necessary skills. The likelihood of reintegration is made worse given that many probationers are illiterate. It is possible that illiterate people commit more offences than others, because fewer opportunities are available to them. When the offenders return to their home, they again associate with the society that bred the criminal activity in the first place. Many offenders come from areas where poverty and low education standards overwhelmingly influence criminal behaviour. It can not of course be concluded that illiteracy is alone responsible; other factors can also influence criminal behaviour, such as the care and support shown by teachers and other participants and the fact that these individuals were motivated to seek self-improvement. Surely probation officers should not be held liable to fix what education institutions failed to do; teach reading and writing.